Skip Navigation

This Article
Right arrow Full Text (PDF)
Right arrow Alert me when this article is cited
Right arrow Alert me if a correction is posted
Services
Right arrow Email this article to a friend
Right arrow Similar articles in this journal
Right arrow Alert me to new issues of the journal
Right arrow Add to My Personal Archive
Right arrow Download to citation manager
Right arrowRequest Permissions
Google Scholar
Right arrow Articles by KATHLEEN MURRAY, S.
Right arrow Articles by HOWARD, P.
Right arrow Search for Related Content
Social Bookmarking
 Add to CiteULike   Add to Connotea   Add to Del.icio.us  
What's this?

Public Opinion Quarterly 66:527-558 (2002)
© 2002 American Association for Public Opinion Research


Articles

Variation in White House Polling Operations: Carter to Clinton*

SHOON KATHLEEN MURRAY and PETER HOWARD

Abstract

Using an entirely new data source, this article presents evidence that significant variation exists in how much different presidential administrations use private White House polls. Federal Election Commission (FEC) disclosure records reveal the amount of money that presidents since Jimmy Carter paid (through their respective party organizations) to the designated White House pollsters. These financial figures, in turn, roughly correlate with the estimated number of polls commissioned for the White House, as determined through archival research and information provided by the pollsters themselves. Two patterns emerge: some presidents poll heavily from the start of their administrations (Ronald Reagan and Bill Clinton); others poll only lightly during the first 3 years in office (Jimmy Carter and George Bush). These findings reinforce scholarly assessments of Reagan and Clinton as pursuing a "permanent campaign" approach to leadership, whereas Carter and Bush lacked much interest in public relations techniques. Our evidence suggests a need for a refinement of the institutionalization concept as found in the academic literature on White House polling. We agree that all modern presidents inherit sophisticated tools for understanding public opinion, but we demonstrate that they do not use these tools with equal attention or regularity. Put differently, a polling capability has been institutionalized within the White house, but substantial variation still exists in how much a given administration uses that capability.


Add to CiteULike CiteULike   Add to Connotea Connotea   Add to Del.icio.us Del.icio.us    What's this?


This article has been cited by other articles:


Home page
Public Opin QHome page
K. D. Tenpas and J. A. McCann
Testing the Permanence of the Permanent Campaign: An Analysis of Presidential Polling Expenditures, 1977 2002
Public Opin Q, September 1, 2007; 71(3): 349 - 366.
[Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]


Home page
Public Opin QHome page
J. N. Druckman and L. R. Jacobs
Lumpers and Splitters: The Public Opinion Information that Politicians Collect and Use
Public Opin Q, December 1, 2006; 70(4): 453 - 476.
[Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]


Home page
Public Opin QHome page
S. K. Murray
Private Polls and Presidential Policymaking: Reagan as a Facilitator of Change
Public Opin Q, December 1, 2006; 70(4): 477 - 498.
[Abstract] [Full Text] [PDF]



Disclaimer:
Please note that abstracts for content published before 1996 were created through digital scanning and may therefore not exactly replicate the text of the original print issues. All efforts have been made to ensure accuracy, but the Publisher will not be held responsible for any remaining inaccuracies. If you require any further clarification, please contact our Customer Services Department.